|
|
Chairman Cox's Statement on the Terrorist Attack on America September 11, 2001 At 9 a.m. EDT
Tuesday, as a hijacked Boeing 767
slammed into the World Trade
Center, I was in the
Pentagon
in the private dining room of the
Secretary
of Defense. Don Rumsfeld, the
Secretary,
and Paul Wolfowitz, the Deputy
Secretary,
and I were discussing how to win votes for the Bush
defense plan that is now pending
in the House and Senate.
When minutes
later, the Pentagon itself was hit
by a Boeing 757 loaded with
civilian passengers,
virtually
the entire building was immediately
evacuated.
I escaped just minutes before the
building was hit. Most of
those who remained were
huddled in the National Military Command
Center
in a basement bunker of the building. From there, America's military response is
being directed
even now. Ironically,
just moments before the Department of
Defense was hit by a suicide
hijacker, Secretary
Rumsfeld
was describing to me why America needs
to
abandon its decade-old two-major-war strategy, and focus on the real threat facing us in the
21st century: terrorism,
and the unexpected.
"When I
worked on the ballistic missile threat
commission [the 1998 bipartisan
group popularly known
at the Rumsfeld Commission], there was an
'event'
every few months that focused the
attention
of those in denial," he told me. "For
example, India shocked the world
when it detonated a nuclear device.
Then Pakistan. Then
North
Korea launched a two-stage ballistic
missile
over Japan.
"Terrorist groups, some state-sponsored, are
developing these same missile
capabilities as we meet
here. They are developing the chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons to go with them. "They do
not have all the pieces yet, but they
will. That is why Congress
has got to give the
President
the tools he needs to move forward with
a
defense of America against ballistic missiles, the ultimate terrorist weapons.
"If we
remain vulnerable to missile attack, a
terrorist group or rogue state
that demonstrates the
capacity to strike the U.S. or its allies
from
long range could have the power to hold our entire country hostage to nuclear or other
blackmail,'' he said. "And let
me tell you, I've been around the block
a few times. There will be
another event." He
repeated
it for emphasis: "There will be another event."
Within
minutes of that utterance, Rumsfeld's
words proved tragically
prophetic. Both he and
Wolfowitz emphasized the recent
partisanship that has made
military planning near
impossible.
Whereas during the Clinton
administration
the congressional votes to deploy
a
missile defense where overwhelmingly
bipartisan,
now that President Bush has made it
clear
his commitment is more than rhetorical,
there
is significant backsliding.
As the Senate
armed services subcommittee met in
secret to work on details of the
defense authorization bill for fiscal
year 2002, which begins
Oct. 1, Sen. Carl Levin (D-Mich.) threw
down
the gauntlet last week, threatening to
derail
any actual deployment of a missile defense
that
would violate the 30-year old ABM Treaty
with
the former Soviet Union. That is tantamount to killing any missile defense that works, as
both the President and Secretary
Rumsfeld have made
clear repeatedly. In the House,
as the defense committee worked in
open session to complete the
spending bill for the
Defense Department and defense work of the
Energy
Department, Rep. Ike Skelton (D-Mo.), the
Armed
Services Committee's top Democrat, said
Tuesday
he would seek to divert $860 million from
missile
defense to other Pentagon needs when the
bill
hits the House floor. The committee rejected that on a party-line vote last month. Rumsfeld also
implored the Congress to provide
all the money the President has
requested for his budget
-- not just the 2% earmarked for missile
defense.
"We need every nickel of it,'' he said. But not all
Democrats have been playing the
partisan game. "I saw
the attack on Pearl Harbor.
I remember June 25, 1950, when the North
Koreans
attacked,'' said Sen. Daniel Inouye
(D-Hawaii),
the Armed Services panel chairman, at
last
week's hearing. "There is one lesson I will never forget: If we want to prevent war, we
must be prepared for war.'' The war for
which we must be prepared will not be
fought with the Soviet Union,
nor governed by the
outdated
rules of the Cold War. We got the first
glimpses
of its ugly face in Tuesday's "event." Perhaps now
we will listen, and unite.
|