For Immediate Release
Office of the Vice President
April 15, 2004
Remarks by the Vice President at Fudan University Followed by Student Body Q&A;
Fudan University
Shanghai, China
10:36 A.M. (Local)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Mayor Han, I appreciate
the kind words of introduction. And we're delighted to be here today.
My wife and I are privileged to have the opportunity once again to
travel in China. We are grateful for the welcome we have received,
especially for the kind of reception here at Fudan University. We
thank you for the honor, and we bring you good wishes from President
George W. Bush and the people of the United States.
I know that many of you will soon graduate from this great
university. I am told the standards are extremely demanding here, and
a degree from Fudan University signifies years of hard work and
discipline. I congratulate each one of you on your achievement, and I
commend your teachers for upholding the tradition of excellence that
marks the 99-year history of Fudan University.
I hardly need to tell you that you are beginning careers in a
nation remarkably different from just a generation ago. My first
glimpse of China came in 1975, when I traveled to Beijing with
President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. That was
only three years after President Richard Nixon had paid his historic
visit to your country. Mao Zedong still held power. The aftershocks
of the Cultural Revolution were still being felt. There were some
hopes of reform, but people largely kept those hopes to themselves.
Those were the latter years of a difficult era for the people of
China. When America and China set out to restore diplomatic relations,
it was in part because we perceived a common challenge in the Soviet
Union. Yet America's leaders understood something else, as well. They
knew that in China, beneath the harsh conformity of that era, lay the
diversity and the boundless energy of a great people. In the decades
since, as more freedom and opportunity have come to this land, you have
only begun to show the world the creativity and enterprise of your
country.
Each of you is a witness to that potential, in what you have
learned and achieved here, and in your own hopes for the future.
Twenty years ago, almost to the day, President Ronald Reagan spoke at
this university and expressed the essence of economic and political
freedom. It is based, he said, on a belief "in the dignity of each
man, woman, and child." Free institutions, he said, reflect, "an
appreciation of the special genius of each individual, and of his
special right to make his own decisions and lead his own life."
Compared to President Nixon's, or even President Reagan's day, many
Chinese citizens are now freer to make their own way in life -- to
choose careers, to acquire property, and to travel. And across this
land are many millions of young people just like you, with their own
abilities and their own expectations of a better life for themselves,
their families and their country.
On the path of reform that began a quarter-century ago, the Chinese
people have made great strides. Over the past twenty-five years,
China's rapid and sustained economic growth has lifted the living
standards of many citizens and raised China into the ranks of the
world's largest economies. You have reduced poverty, and in recent
years, have consistently reported high economic growth rates. This
dramatic economic progress shows what is possible when governments
leave more decision-making power in the hands of private enterprises
and individuals. Above all, it is a tribute to the Chinese citizens
whose talents and daily efforts are making this a vibrant modern
economy.
China's economic success has also come about through far greater
integration into the world economy. In the last two decades, your
country has emerged as a major exporter of all kinds of manufactured
goods, from heavy machinery, to computers, to toys. China has gained
enormously from access to foreign markets. Its development has also
been fed by vast inflows of investment capital -- over 50 billion
dollars last year alone -- and by imports of foreign technology, and
the ever-increasing quantities of energy and raw materials necessary to
sustain growth.
Today over five percent of all trade conducted in the world -- some
850 billion dollars -- is accounted for by China alone. And China's
two-way trade with the United States has grown seven-fold in just the
last 12 years.
Continued economic progress will require careful stewardship. As
your new generation of leaders knows, rapid growth can lead to social
and economic challenges at home. And as China gains in economic
strength, it also takes on new responsibilities for keeping the global
economy in balance. As your leaders and I discussed, in this
interdependent world, nations have a responsibility to lower barriers
to imports, to protect intellectual property rights, and to maintain
flexible, market-driven exchange rates. We are working together on
these vital issues.
China's progress is part of a much wider story. So many of the
great nations of Asia began the 20th Century ruled by colonial powers,
or by dynasty, or bitterly divided by civil strife. And throughout
that century, ideologies of violence and malice took hold in Asia, as
they did in Europe, and caused terrible harm and grief. Now the people
of Asia are writing a different chapter. Great nations in this region
have entered the 21st century as independent peoples, growing in
prosperity and individual freedom. The dramatic changes in Asia --
from Beijing to Tokyo, from Seoul to Singapore -- have removed many old
sources of conflict, and lifted millions of lives.
In the past half century, Asia has been transformed from a war-torn
and impoverished region into the world's biggest and fastest-growing
center for the creation of wealth and knowledge. Throughout this
region, one nation after another has enjoyed the benefits of greater
prosperity. But not prosperity alone. Across Asia, rising prosperity
and expanding political freedom have gone hand in hand. When people
have the liberty to manage their own lives and to enjoy the fruits of
their labors, they work hard and contribute more to the well-being of
their societies. And when they experience the benefits of economic
liberty, they desire greater freedom in expressing their views and
choosing their leaders.
Freedom is not divisible. If people can be trusted to invest and
manage material assets, they will eventually ask why they cannot be
trusted with decisions over what to say and what to believe. The
insights that foster scientific discovery are not suddenly lost when
the topic turns to society's ills. Prosperous societies also come to
understand that clothing, cars, and cell phones do not enrich the
soul. Economic growth is important in allowing individuals to lead
lives of comfort and dignity, but material goods alone cannot satisfy
the deepest yearnings of the human heart; that can only come with full
freedom of religion, speech, assembly, and conscience. And that
lesson, too, is part of Asia's legacy in this last 50 years.
The desire for freedom is universal; it is not unique to one
country, or culture, or region. And it is something that successful
societies, and wise leaders, have learned to embrace rather than fear.
The United States of America welcomes the great progress of your
country, as we welcome the continued expansion of economic and
political freedom across Asia. As a Pacific nation, we benefit, as you
do, from trade across the ocean and from the growing vitality of this
region. And as a permanent presence here, America, like China, has a
vital national interest in stability, and in peaceful relations among
Asian peoples.
Yet today we know that the peace and stability that all civilized
nations seek are under threat, as new and grave dangers continue to
gather. In nations around the globe, terror networks have plotted
against civilized people, and have grown bolder in their destructive
ambitions. And in this age of rapid technological advance, we face the
prospect that deadly weapons might fall into the hands of terrorists.
The ultimate threat is that these problems -- terrorism and
proliferation -- may one day come together in a sudden, catastrophic
attack by terrorists armed with chemical, biological, or nuclear
weapons.
The spread of terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction are a direct challenge to every nation that seeks to build
a more open, stable, and prosperous world. For that reason, our
countries have been working closely to overcome both of these threats.
Since my country was attacked on September 11th, 2001, the United
States and China have worked together to apprehend terrorists and to
prevent them from killing more innocent people. The recent kidnapping
in Iraq of citizens of several countries, including China, speaks to
the dangers we all face. Today we are sharing information and working
together to strengthen the U.N.'s counterterror capability and on a
vital container security initiative to protect ships and ports. As we
deepen our cooperation, however, we must also be mindful of the rights
of the innocent. The war on terror must never be used as an excuse for
silencing legitimate dissent and expressions of opinion.
China is also accepting its responsibilities to join in stopping
the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The peoples of Asia are
particularly vulnerable to the dangers of proliferation. Many
countries that have the means to develop the deadliest weapons have
refrained from doing so. Yet if governments perceive unchecked
proliferation in the region, they might feel compelled to choose a very
different course. And that could only heighten the dangers to this
region and the likelihood that one day those terrible weapons would be
used.
The dangers of proliferation have not always been fully
appreciated. In the past, the technologies that permit the development
of sophisticated weapons and delivery systems were sometimes exported
without much thought to the long-term consequences. The United States
was therefore very pleased to see China declare new restrictions on the
movement of those technologies. It is now essential that those
restrictions be vigorously enforced.
President Bush and the American people are also greatly encouraged
by the Chinese government's decision to take a leading role in the
efforts of the international community to persuade North Korea to
completely, verifiably, and irreversibly dismantle its nuclear
programs. We must see this undertaking through to its conclusion.
Because of the Pyongyang's regime past history of irresponsibility and
deceit, the removal of all of its nuclear capabilities is absolutely
essential to the peace and stability of Northeast Asia, and the world.
Controlling the spread of terrible weapons is one of the most
urgent priorities of our new century. We have no alternative but to
act with all the diligence, and more, of the rogue states and
terrorists who wish to acquire such weapons for the threat they pose to
innocent people. That is the course we are on -- and the course we
must maintain far into the future.
Confronting and finally defeating the danger of terrorism will also
be a long and difficult struggle. That's why my country, in
consultations with other nations, is committed to pursuing what
President Bush has called a forward strategy for freedom in the Greater
Middle East. Some nations in the Middle East have had great wealth, or
possess the resources that can bring such wealth. But national wealth
alone is not enough. To fully and finally overcome the evil of
terrorism, we must set before people of this region an alternative to
tyranny and corrupt government that has for so long held all too many
back. And that alternative is found in economic freedom, equality
under the law, individual liberties, and the right to choose and change
one's government.
The Greater Middle East initiative supports those across the region
who are working for freedom. And we are beginning to see signs of
significant progress. In Jordan, elections have been held and the
government is taking steps to reduce state control of the press. In
Bahrain, elections were held last year. In Egypt, the ruling National
Democratic Party has called for increased economic reform and expanded
political participation. In Saudi Arabia, the Crown Prince has issued
a reform charter and called for the holding of municipal elections.
Today, with the help of the international community, and after decades
of oppression, the people of Afghanistan and Iraq are preparing to
choose their own leaders in free, competitive national elections.
We welcome China's contributions to reconstruction efforts in these
lands, so that their people may live in security and freedom, never
again victimized by despotic regimes that breed or support terror.
While democratic processes are sometimes untidy and unpredictable
-- as any close observer of American politics can attest -- they permit
the peaceful expression of diverse views, protect the rights of the
individual, check the ability of the state to abuse its power, and
encourage the kind of debate and compromise that leads to lasting
stability. And this much is certain: free societies do not breed the
anger and radicalism that drag down whole nations.
Where young people have the opportunity to choose their own
leaders, to build a better life for themselves and their children, and
the right to guide their own destinies; peace, justice and prosperity
will follow. Freedom has a power all its own, requiring no propaganda
to find recruits, no indoctrination to keep its believers in line.
We hear it said by skeptics that the greater Middle East is a
hopeless cause for democratic values -- that the peoples of that region
are somehow just not suited for self-government, and that they are
doomed to live in misery and oppression. Those of you who have studied
history will find that this dismissive attitude has a familiar ring.
Not so long ago, the very same things were said about the people of
Asia. Yet today the world looks to Asia as a showcase of the
possibilities of human enterprise and creativity. Across this region
we see entire nations raising themselves up from poverty in the space
of little more than a generation, building strong, modern economies,
and becoming stable, peaceful, and open societies of free peoples,
governed under laws set by representatives chosen in free elections.
Today China too is embarked on a great journey. As your country
grows in regional and global influence and responsibility, your
strength and your potential rests with your people.
My wish for each of you is for a life in a nation that grows in
success, in greatness, and in liberty. I thank you for your kind
attention this morning, and now I'd be pleased to take your questions.
(Applause.)
MODERATOR: Thank you, Mr. Vice President. Mr. Vice President, the
first question will come from the left side of the auditorium, then
we'll alternate right to left.
Q Good morning, Mr. Vice President.
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Good morning.
Q I am a PhD candidate of international relations. My friends
and I believe that China's peaceful right is beneficial to the peace
and prosperity of the world. Some American people, however, regard
China as a threat. Could you please give you comments on these --
opinions? What impressed you most during your visit in China? Thank
you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: The people of the United States have been
tremendously impressed with all that has been achieved in China in
recent decades. There clearly was a time in our history 50 years when
we were adversaries, when we fought against each other in the war in
Korea, when I think we viewed one another as a significant threat. I
think that's changed.
And today given the common interest we have in trying to promote
peace and prosperity in this part of the world, we work together on a
great many issues that are to the benefit of the peoples of both
nations. There's no question but what we still have differences,
places where we disagree over various issues. But my conversations
yesterday with your leaders in Beijing, I think it would be fair to say
we agreed that the areas of agreement are far greater than those areas
where we disagree, and that there are no problems there that can't be
resolved given sufficient efforts and goodwill and adequate time on
both sides. Working together, especially in the economic arena, has
been beneficial to the peoples of both countries. And with the right
kind of leadership there's no reason why we should perceive each as
threats in the future. (Applause.)
Q Morning, Mr. Vice President. I'm a major of international
politics, honored to have such a chance to raise my question to you.
We Chinese are concerned about reunification of our country, but sorry
to see some performances of the United States over the years, such as
arms sales to Taiwan. So my question is, what actions will the United
States take to honor the commitment of one-China policy and no support
of Taiwan independence? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: The policy of the United States on the issue
of Taiwan has been consistent for some considerable period of time now,
and has been stated by President Bush. We support the principle of one
China based upon the three communiques, and the Taiwan Relations Act.
We think that it's important for discussions and dialogue to go forward
between Beijing and Taipei, that if any changes are to occur with
respect to the current the circumstances in the strait, it should be
through negotiation. We oppose unilateral efforts on either side to
try to alter the current set of circumstances.
And our position with respect to the Taiwan Relations Act, the
piece of legislation that governs our policy in the United States, is
that we are obligated under that act to provide Taiwan with the
capacity to defend herself, should that be necessary. And we do that
through the process of selling them military equipment from time to
time.
But overall, we do, in fact, support the principle of one China, as
I say, as informed by the three communiques and the Taiwan Relations
Act. (Applause.)
Q Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am a second-year
graduate student from the school of journalism. Today, it is a great
honor for me to witness this great occasion. My question is, it is
said that you are the most powerful Vice President in U.S. history.
Can you tell us how you play a role in the Bush administration? Thank
you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Well, that's not a question I had
anticipated. The role of the Vice President has evolved over the
years. When our Constitution was written in Philadelphia at our
Constitutional Convention, they created the position of Vice
President. But when they got to the end of the convention, they
decided that they hadn't given him anything to do. He had no work. So
they made him the President of the Senate, that is the presiding
officer over our upper house of our Congress and gave him the ability
to cast tie-breaking votes. When the Senate is deadlocked 50-50, then
I get to cast the tie-breaking vote.
For the first 150 years of our history, the Vice President had
virtually no role in the executive branch with the President. He was
simply there to take over if something happened to the President, but
he didn't have any day-to-day responsibilities. That changed during
the Eisenhower administration over 50 years ago, when for the first
time, the Vice President was given an office in the executive branch.
And since then the responsibilities have gradually increased.
The amount of influence you have, or authority, if you want to put
it in those terms, is based strictly upon your relationship with the
President. When President Bush asked me to become his Vice President,
he indicated that it was because he wanted me to be part of his team to
help govern, that because of my background, having been a chief of
staff for President Ford, a Secretary of Defense for former President
Bush, a member of Congress, that he felt I brought certain experiences
that would be useful to him in carrying out his responsibilities as
President. And we've had a very close working relationship ever
since.
But as I say, any influence I have strictly comes in terms of my
ability to offer advice. I'm not in charge of any department or
agency. And I also work closely with members of Congress because I
still do preside over the Senate and spend a lot of time on Capitol
Hill, as well, working to get congressional approval of our legislative
programs. So it's circumstance.
I've seen other arrangements where the relationship between the
President and the Vice President wasn't close, and the Vice President
basically had little to do except ceremonial functions and frequently
attend funerals. (Laughter.) So I've been fortunate.
Q Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am a student from the
school of journalism, and it's my honor to be here to raise questions
of you. And my question is about the Iraq issue. As you know, we want
to see the peaceful life that the Iraqi people live and live by
themselves. But you can see these days many conflicts happens every
day and everywhere in Iraq. The casualties of both citizens and
soldiers are increasing. My question is, what do you think the role of
the United Nations should take during this period? And we know that on
June the 30th, the American people will transfer the region to the
Iraqi people. And what's your opinion, do you think then the situation
there will be out of control? Thank you.
THE VICE PRESIDENT: The situation with respect to the United
Nations in Iraq has been at present that Mr. Brahimi, who is the
representative of the Secretary General, has been there now for a
couple of weeks working actively with our officials, as well as Iraqis,
to develop the concept of an interim government that will take over on
June 30th, and then be responsible for governing the country until
elections can be held early next year. Their responsibility would last
six or seven months. But as I say, Mr. Brahimi, of the United Nations,
has been a major participant in developing that plan.
We're eager to have the United Nations involved. I would expect
going forward, as a constitution is written and elections are held in
Iraq, that the United Nations would play a significant role in terms of
providing technical advice and support for those endeavors. The U.N.,
of course, originally went into Iraq and had a significant presence
there until the attack on its headquarters. And then they pulled out
primarily because they were concerned about the security threat to
their personnel.
But the United States stands ready to work closely with the United
Nations going forward. As I said, we've been pleased with Mr.
Brahimi's role, and we're eager to support active U.N. participation in
the process of standing up a government of Iraq that's democratic, but
broadly representative of its people, and not a threat to its
neighbors.
Q Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am from the school of
management. Thank you for the speech. My question is related to
business and trade. As we all know, the rapid growth of Sino-U.S.
trade benefits both America and China. However, since last year, we
have witnessed more and more trade frictions between our two
countries. Our government hopes to solve the problem through dialogue
and negotiations. So my question is, in your opinion, what is the
prospect of trade relations between our two countries? And do you
think that the U.S. presidential campaign will further aggravate the
dispute with China? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: There are a number of points of friction, as
you say, between our two countries on trading questions. I don't find
that surprising given how extensive the relationship has become. China
has now become our third largest trading partner in the world. The
amount of commerce back and forth between our two nations is by our
estimate $180 billion a year. We buy a vast quantity of good
manufactured here in China, shipped to the United States. We sell you
goods and products and agricultural products, as well. Right now, the
balance is very much in your favor -- that is you sell more to us than
you buy from us. We think that will change over time as your market
opens up more and more as you implement the agreements under the WTO.
We think that's appropriate.
The areas where we have work to do fall in the area, for example,
of intellectual property rights. And some of the other areas where
there are standards that have been applied by your government that we
believe unfairly penalize or discriminate against U.S. products. These
are normal kinds of issues to have between trading nations.
We have a plan next week I believe -- there will be a delegation
from your government traveling to Washington for something called the
JCCT. It's a joint commission to address issues of trade. And that's
the way for us to deal with those issues. But I don't find it
surprising that there's friction. I think that's simply a reflection
of the fact that the economic relationship has become so close, and
there's such a high volume of trade back and forth on both sides.
Let me also -- on the question the young lady asked earlier about
Taiwan, it occurs to me that I didn't completely answer the question.
There's one item she mentioned that I need to be clear on. And she
asked me specifically about the question of Taiwan independence. And
the position of the United States has been and continues to be that we
do not support Taiwan independence. That's -- I'll restate again our
posture is that we -- (applause) -- we support the one China based on
the three communiques, and the Taiwan Relations Act, and we're opposed
to unilateral efforts on either side of the strait to change that
relationship.
Q Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I'm from journalism
department. It's my great honor to raise a question here. We know
that the presidential campaign this year is a competition between two
Yale graduates. In your opinion, what's the key factor to win the
election? And there are more and more Americans living and working in
China. So what will you do to win their support? Thank you.
THE VICE PRESIDENT: The reason I pause is because I attended Yale,
as well, as the President, and Senator Kerry. But I did not graduate.
(Laughter.) And I thought you were going to ask me about that.
We're eager to work with American citizens overseas. There are --
both, here in Asia, and as well, in Europe -- organizations. In my
party, I'm a Republican, we have an organization called Republicans
Abroad. And that's where American citizens who get to vote in the
United States by absentee ballot have clubs and organizations and host
speakers, sometimes raise money to support the candidates of their
choice. So we welcome the participation of American voters, wherever
they may live, in the election.
And you may remember in the last election, a very, very close
election that was decided by just 537 votes in Florida, probably the
closest presidential election in our history. That probably turned, as
much as anything, on absentee ballots, on votes cast by citizens of
Florida who were abroad at the time either serving in the military, or
in some other capacity. And if they had not voted, the outcome of the
election might have been very different. So those votes of Americans
living overseas are very important. (Applause.)
Q Your honor, Vice President, thank you for your speech. I am
a graduate student majoring in international relations. My question is
simple -- my classmates and I are concerned about the Korean nuclear
issue. My question is very simple: Do you think the problem could be
solved peacefully? And what role do you think the United States should
play to push the six-party talks forward? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: We believe the North Korean development and
efforts to acquire nuclear capability is one of the most serious
problems in the region today. It was a subject that I discussed with
President Hu Jintao, and Chairman Jiang Zemin, Premier Wen, and Vice
President Zeng in Beijing. Our concern is that North Korea has in the
past entered into agreements to give up its aspirations to acquire
nuclear weapons in 1994 and then subsequently violated that agreement.
We know they violated that agreement because we now know that they
developed a secret program to build nuclear weapons using highly
enriched uranium.
And one of the things we've learned in recent months -- you may
recall that after we began our operations in Iraq, that Colonel
Ghadafi, in Libya, decided to give up his effort to develop nuclear
weapons, and all of that material, all the designs, all the equipment
and so forth, uranium that he had acquired for that purpose has now
been turned over to the United States.
Mr. Ghadafi and the Libyans acquired their technical expertise,
weapons design and so forth from Mr. A.K. Khan, Pakistan. And we now
know that Mr. Khan also provided similar capabilities to the North
Koreans. So we're confident that the North Koreans do, in fact, have a
program to enrich uranium to produce nuclear weapons.
We think the way to resolve this matter, to achieve the objective
that China believes in, and we believe in, which is to have a
nuclear-free Korean peninsula is for North Korea to agree to the
complete, verifiable and irreversible dismantlement of their nuclear
weapons capabilities. To date, they have not yet agreed to do that.
We are trying through the six-way talks with the active leadership and
participation of China, in hosting those talks and participating in
those talks -- together with the United States, South Korea, Japan and
Russia -- to persuade the North Koreans that this is the proper course
of action, that if they want to have normal relations with the rest of
us -- and given the sad state their economy, they obviously need
outside support. In order simply for that regime to survive, they most
understand that no one in the region wants them to develop those
weapons.
We'll continue to work closely with China and the other members of
the group and do our level best to achieve this objective by diplomatic
means, and through negotiations. But it is important that we make
progress in this area. Time is not necessarily on our side. We worry
that given what they've done in the past, and given what we estimate to
be their current capability, that North Korea could well, for example,
provide this kind of technology to someone else, or possibly to, say, a
terrorist organization. We know that there are terrorist organizations
out there like al Qaeda that have sought to acquire these kinds of
weapons in the past. And we need to stop that proliferation so that it
doesn't happen, so that our nations are not threatened by those
developments.
Finally, of course, as I mentioned in my speech, there are nations
in the region that have the technical capacity to produce nuclear
weapons who
have not done so. But if North Korea becomes a nuclear power, and
has ballistic missiles, which it does, and has the ability to threaten
other nations in the region with nuclear weapons, then those nations
may conclude that their only option is to develop their own
capability. And then we'd have a nuclear arms unleashed in Asia, and
that's not in anybody's interest. So we hope we can be successful
through diplomacy at achieving our objective. But it is vitally
important that we achieve this objective. (Applause.)
Q Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I'm majoring in political
science. It's my great honor to meet you here. My question is, I have
learned that the Blue Ridge of the U.S.'s Seventh Fleet visited
Shanghai last month. As a former secretary of the defense department
of the United States, what do you think of the communications between
the Chinese and the U.S. militaries? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: I think it's important to have exchanges back
and forth between our militaries. I think we can learn from one
another. I think those kinds of communications are very positive in
terms of building the relationship, also in terms of enhancing
understanding and reducing the possibility of miscalculation in the
future. So I wholeheartedly support those kinds of exchanges. I think
they're a very positive contribution to the relationship between the
U.S. and China.
MODERATOR: Mr. Vice President, this will be our last question.
Q Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am a junior student from
the school of international relations and public affairs. I learned
from the website of the White House that you have two daughters and
three granddaughters. Do you often get together with them? Would you
suggest them learning Chinese? (Laughter.) We Chinese students are
eager to communicate with the youngsters in the U.S. So do you have
any suggestions for the young generation in our two countries? And in
addition, in the next year, we will have the 100th anniversary
celebration of Fudan University. So do you have anything special to
say to us here? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: My wife is over here looking to see what I'm
going to say. (Laughter.) Well, I do have two daughters and three
granddaughters. And we're about to have a fourth grandchild come June,
and we're told it's going to be a boy. (Applause.) As a matter of
fact, this will be the first time in about 60 years there's been a boy
born in our family. (Laughter.) So he's going to have a difficult
time, I'm sure, growing up, surrounded by all those women.
But I think it's very, very important that we do everything we can
to encourage exchanges and Americans living and working in China, and
Chinese living and working in America. Our Ambassador, Sandy Randt,
who is with me today studied Chinese as a young man, lived in Hong Kong
for many years, of course, is serving now as Ambassador to China. I've
got people working for me on my staff who spent years in China, growing
up here, or have studied here, as well. Those kinds of exchanges are
very important. There are a great many Chinese students in U.S.
universities. And that can only benefit both countries long-term. I
think it's something to be encouraged every chance we get, and I
certainly would want to do everything I could.
With respect to the hundredth anniversary of Fudan, University,
that's a very significant development -- 2005. It's obviously become a
very important university. I know from looking at the history of it a
bit, I remember when President Reagan came 20 years ago to speak. And
given your location in Shanghai, and it's, I think, one of the finest
universities in this part of the world. You're able to attract an
outstanding student body. Obviously, nothing but outstanding students
here today, and we want to wish you the very best and congratulate you
on achieving that milestone of a hundred years, and wish you great
success for the next hundred years, as well, too. Thank you very
much. (Applause.)
END 11:21 A.M. (Local)
|