Saturday, January 26, 2008

Rumsfeld: "Can we talk?"

(Via DANGER ROOM) A few days ago, former SecDef Don Rumsfeld made a public plea for better U.S. "strategic communications" in the global war on terrorism. He called on the Pentagon and other government agencies to jumpstart their anemic public diplomacy campaigns, both to get the good news out about America, and to counter the messages put forward by terrorist groups and other nations. This is something Rummy has been saying for a while. According to reports, here's what Rumsfeld had to say:
. . . Private media does not get up in the morning and say what can we do to promote the values and ideas that the free Western nations believe in? It gets up in the morning and says they're going to try to make money by selling whatever they sell... The way they decided to do that is to be dramatic and if it bleeds it leads is the common statement in the media today. They've got their job, and they have to do that, and that's what they do.

We need someone in the United States government, some entity, not like the old USIA . . . I think this agency, a new agency has to be something that would take advantage of the wonderful opportunities that exist today. There are multiple channels for information . . . The Internet is there, blogs are there, talk radio is there, e-mails are there. There are all kinds of opportunities. We do not with any systematic organized way attempt to engage the battle of ideas and talk about the idea of beheading, and what it's about and what it means. And talk about the fact that people are killing more Muslims than they are non-Muslims, these extremists. They're doing it with suicide bombs and the like. We need to engage and not simply be passive and allow that battle of competition of ideas.
Jimminy Christmas! Heavens to Betsy! Goodness gracious!

Rumsfeld's latest proposal suffers from a fundamental flaw (as did the IO campaign he waged while SecDef) — he's trying to put lipstick on a pig and convince everyone that it's not a pig.

Global opinion surveys aren't tilting against America because they dislike our message or aren't getting the good news. They're getting the message alright. And they're seeing exactly what we're doing, often times through our own media. The people responding to the surveys done by Pew, OSI, CIA, and others, are reporting their opinions based on incontroverted facts about U.S. actions. Simply, they are responding to our deeds, not our words, and nothing we do in the realms of "strategic communications" or "information operations" is going to change that. Nor will any amount of "public diplomacy."

The United States of America must do a great deal more to win the "hearts of minds" of moderates around the world than simply re-brand itself and develop a slick messaging campaign. We must earn their support through what we do — not what we say. Deeds like the U.S. efforts to deliver aid to Banda Aceh after the tsunami, or to Pakistan after its earthquake, go a long way towards doing this. The continuing, festering occupation of Iraq does little to help this, regardless of how much good our troops and diplomats do on the street. The eyesore of Guantanamo does a great deal to undermine whatever good we do. Ultimately, I believe we must pay a great deal more attention to our deeds — not our message — in order to earn the support of the world. Otherwise, our policies are just a pig. And no matter how much lipstick we might apply, it'll still just be a pig.

0 Trackbacks / 117 Comments

Friday, January 25, 2008

Campaign trail dispatch

One of my colleagues from the Obama campaign, W. Scott Gould, sent me this dispatch from the campaign trail in South Carolina. By way of background, Scott's a retired Navy officer and OEF veteran who's one of the sharpest guys I know on veterans policy issues, and I've been honored to work with him for the past several months as part of the Obama veterans policy committee. Here's his dispatch:
BEAUFORT, S.C. -- Veteran issues were front and center for Barack Obama on Wednesday at a rally in Beaufort High School home of the Blue Dolphins. Stirring introductions by Kent Fletcher, a recent Marine combat veteran from Iraq and a powerful endorsement by retired Sergeant Major of the Marine Corps John Estrada raised the need for strong leadership in national security, demanded that the country stand behind our wounded and called for an orderly and responsible end to the war in Iraq.

When Senator Obama took the stage, he asked all veterans present to stand and be recognized. Veterans from World War II, Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq, among others, rose to thunderous applause as he thanked them for their service.

Obama returned to veterans themes several times during his forty minute stump speech that involved a well crafted call-and-response: “Are you ready for change?” as the crowd roared back “We’re ready!” His main message came across to vets: his gratitude for their service; his recognition for their sacrifice; and his desire to support the services required to make that support real.

Obama said: “Our veterans should not have to beg for the services owed to them.” He spoke against the year-long backlogs and labyrinthine applications processes at the Veterans Administration. He called top-quality service for our vets: “A sacred trust between the nation and its wounded warriors”.

With South Carolina nearing its January 26 primary, Obama’s character and values were on display in an unfailingly positive and respectful tone that warned of last minute attempts to mislead voters. He took a few minutes to identify and rebut negative attacks. He described a 20 year career of grass roots organizing, law and politics; recounted the gift of love, education and hope given to him by his family; and, talked about the importance of acting for change and not accepting the old formulations and the unsuccessful approaches of the past.

Reactions in the audience were overwhelmingly positive. Bill Dooling, a Vietnam veteran, union organizer and retired teacher of 30 years said: “I saw Bobby Kennedy in the 1960’s. Obama has the same ability to motivate and inspire young and old. We need a President who can relate to all generations.” John Hurley, a Vietnam veteran said: “Obama has a deep and sincere desire to take care of vets. He has the intelligence, candor and judgment that we need in a Commander in Chief.”

Later that evening, in a more intimate round table with voters and veterans from the Obama campaign, an Iraq war veteran exchanged views with Sergeant Major Estrada on the proper balance between politics and the military. The Sergeant Major affirmed his belief that no one on active duty should be engaged in the political process. But, he added that everyone on active duty had the responsibility as a citizen to make up their own mind and vote. And those who have retired have a duty to contribute their judgment to the public debate.

As the primary campaign draws to a close, the veterans at the event were clearly enthusiastic about Obama. They appreciated his concrete record of support on veterans issues as a member of the Senate Committee on Veterans Affairs. They responded to the honor, commitment and courage that have brought him this far in the campaign. But more importantly, they shared a powerful experience as Barack Obama talked passionately about a vision for our country that touched on the core ideals every veteran has sacrificed to preserve and sparked a desire to serve anew.

-- CAPT W. Scott Gould, USNR (Ret)
Co-Chair, National Veterans Policy Committee for Obama
Fired up -- ready to go!

0 Trackbacks / 53 Comments

Thursday, January 24, 2008

How much for that Iraqi SOFA?

Friday's New York Times carries a story by Thom Shanker and Steven Lee Myers on the armwrestling and armtwisting between the U.S. and Iraqi governments over the legal status of U.S. forces in that country. In other countries where the U.S. has troops, we have a formal "Status Of Forces Agreement" in place. In Iraq, not so much. We've had a patchwork of rules in place since the initial invasion, including but not limited to the law of armed conflict (and its portions applicable to occupation), various United Nations resolutions, and Coalition Provisional Order #17. Now, according to the Times, things are about to get interesting:
WASHINGTON — With its international mandate in Iraq set to expire in 11 months, the Bush administration will insist that the government in Baghdad give the United States broad authority to conduct combat operations and guarantee civilian contractors immunity from Iraqi law, according to administration and military officials.

This emerging American negotiating position faces a potential buzz saw of opposition from Iraq, with its fragmented Parliament, weak central government and deep sensitivities about being seen as a dependent state, according to these officials.

At the same time, the administration faces opposition from Democrats at home, who warn that the agreements the White House seeks would bind the next president by locking in Mr. Bush’s policies and a long-term military presence.

The American negotiating position for a formal military-to-military relationship, one that would replace the current United Nations mandate, is laid out in a draft proposal that was described by a range of White House, Pentagon, State Department and military officials on ground rules of anonymity. It also includes less-controversial demands that American troops be immune from Iraqi prosecution, and that they maintain the power to detain Iraqi prisoners.

* * *
Administration officials are describing their draft proposal in terms of a traditional status-of-forces agreement, an accord that has historically been negotiated by the executive branch and signed by the executive branch without a Senate vote.

“I think it’s pretty clear that such an agreement would not talk about force levels,” Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates said Thursday. “We have no interest in permanent bases. I think the way to think about the framework agreement is an approach to normalizing the relationship between the United States and Iraq.”
Ummmm.... so, if the Iraqis tell us "La!" (no), does that mean we get to come home?

0 Trackbacks / 72 Comments
Our Achilles Heels in Iraq

In today's New York Times, Solomon Moore and Richard Oppel report on indicators of a new trend in Iraq's violence which may herald serious difficulties for Gen. David Petraeus and Amb. Ryan Crocker as they try to hold that country together:
At least 100 predominantly Sunni militiamen, known as Awakening Council members or Concerned Local Citizens, have been killed in the past month, mostly around Baghdad and the provincial capital of Baquba, urban areas with mixed Sunni and Shiite populations, according to Interior Minister Jawad al-Bolani. At least six of the victims were senior Awakening leaders, Iraqi officials said.

Violence is also shaking up the Awakening movement, many of whose members are former insurgents, in its birthplace in the Sunni heartland of Anbar Province. On Sunday, a teenage suicide bomber exploded at a gathering of Awakening leaders, killing Hadi Hussein al-Issawi, a midlevel sheik, and three other tribesmen.

Born nearly two years ago in Iraq’s western deserts, the Awakening movement has grown to an 80,000-member nationwide force, four-fifths of whose members are Sunnis. American military officials credit that force, along with the surge in United States troops, the Mahdi Army’s self-imposed cease-fire and an increase in Iraqi security forces, for a precipitous drop in civilian and military fatalities since July.

But the recent onslaught is jeopardizing that relative security and raising the prospect that the groups’ members might disperse, with many rejoining the insurgency, American officials said.

“There’s a recognition that sustained attacks cannot continue,” said a United States official who was not authorized to speak publicly. “We’ve got to break that.” The official said that American military and intelligence officials were taking the threat to the Awakening movement “very seriously.”

American and Iraqi officials blame Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia for most of the killings, which spiked after the Dec. 29 release of an audio recording in which Osama bin Laden called the volunteer tribesmen “traitors” and “infidels.” While the organization is overwhelmingly Iraqi and Sunni, American military officials say it has foreign leadership, though its links with Mr. bin Laden himself are unclear.

Officials say that Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia has a two-pronged strategy: directing strikes against Awakening members to intimidate and punish them for cooperating with the Americans, and infiltrating the groups to glean intelligence and discredit the movement in the eyes of an already wary Shiite-led government. “Al Qaeda is trying to assassinate all the Awakening members that support the government, but I believe that criminal militias are also doing this,” Mr. Bolani said during a recent interview in Taji.
Center of gravity. The surge of U.S. troops to Iraq is ending, and U.S. commanders are working hard to preserve the security gains of the surge through any means they can. From where I sit, I see four basic pillars to the U.S. post-surge strategy:
1) Standing up the Iraqi security forces to replace departing U.S. troops.
2) Enlisting "Concerned Local Citizens" (read: former insurgents and militias) to secure their neighborhoods.
3) Brokering local political deals with Sunni and Shiite leaders to preserve the peace, and national political deals with former militants like Moqtada al-Sadr.
4) Pouring resources into reconstruction to develop Iraq's civil society, economy, etc., to capitalize on the security gains thus far.
Arguably, the CLCs are the real center of gravity here, because they represent both a security force as well as the mobilized troops of the local politicians and sheikhs who have cut deals with the U.S.-Iraqi coalition. If AQI takes out enough CLC leaders and local elders, it may force another cycle of sectarian violence.

Notice — I didn't say anything about national political efforts, or even provincial-level political efforts. That's because I think that Crocker and Petraeus have written off the Iraqi government at all levels as too corrupt and ineffective to be a part of the long-term counterinsurgency strategy in that country.

So, the significant of today's news is that the insurgents (largely Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia) are directing the majority of their attention at these vulnerable points. They understand our operational design and see these pillars as vulnerabilies — particularly #2, because they think the CLCs' allegiances are liable to be swayed by violence.

There's still a lot going on, and I don't have a good enough read on the situation to pronounce a verdict. I think we're in a critical phase though, as we draw down U.S. troops over the next several months to pre-surge levels. Keep your eye on each of these four elements over the next four months.

0 Trackbacks / 14 Comments

Wednesday, January 23, 2008

"Betrayed"

New Yorker writer George Packer has written a play about Iraqi translators which will begin showings later this month and open formally on Feb. 5. The play, titled "Betrayed," is based on George's article which appeared in the March 26, 2007 issue of the New Yorker, about Iraqis who worked with the U.S. Government. It's a depressing story, because in many cases, these brave Iraqis have found themselves under siege by militias, insurgents and others, unable to get help from anyone in the U.S. Government. It's a shameful story about how this country enlisted the Iraqi people in its cause, and then abandoned them in their hour of need.

I lost my closest friend in Iraq, Dr. Thaer Kudier al-Qasi (pictured right with me in Baqubah in April 2006), about two months after coming home. A former colleague emailed me to let me know that he had been kidnapped and brutally killed. Thaer was an Iraqi lawyer and former law professor who spoke 5 languages, had a beautiful family, and a deep sense of justice. We worked closely together, and suffered through many of the same dangers and deprivations while living on the Governance Center compound in downtown Baqubah. He was a critical part of our advisory team, and indeed, of the entire U.S.-Iraqi effort to build the Rule of Law in Iraq's Diyala province. Over the course of our time together, I developed an enormous respect for Thaer, and through him, because much closer to the Iraqi people. In the weeks and months following Thaer's death, I received a series of additional emails from former colleagues still deployed, reporting the deaths of other Iraqis with whom we worked closely. The most recent came just last week.

A few weeks ago, Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America (see here and here) put together a discussion group of veterans, human rights activists, Iraqis, and journalists to come together on this issue. Kirk Johnson, a former USAID official in Iraq, profiled by George in his New Yorker piece, spoke eloquently and powerfully at the event in a way that really resonated with me. Simply, there is no reasonable argument for not helping these Iraqis — no security, human rights, logistical or other argument that has merit. It's simple politics — both the lack of political will to help, and to move the U.S. Government's bureaucracy to actually do something. This grows out of the unwillingness to admit failure, because an organized effort to help Iraqis emigrate from Iraq would be tantamount (in the Government's eyes) to an admission of failure. Johnson, Packer, and others are absolutely correct to point out the dishonor in that position, and the national shame we will bring upon ourselves if we leave these men and women behind.

But it's more than honor or liberalism that's at stake here. It's about our interests too. If we leave these Iraqis behind, we will have a much tougher (if not impossible) time recruiting friends and allies in that part of the world, or any part of the world. Our actions today will set the stage for our ability to work with allies and friends in the future.

Go see the show -- then do something.

0 Trackbacks / 43 Comments
Dumb and Dumber?

Via Abu Muquwama, I learned this morning about a new study indicating the Army is bringing in recruits today with lower educational credentials than ever. The report also found a number of interesting trends regarding who was joining the Army. According to the Post:
The study by the National Priorities Project concluded that slightly more than 70 percent of new recruits joining the active-duty Army last year had a high school diploma, nearly 20 percentage points lower than the Army's goal of at least 90 percent.

The National Priorities Project, a Massachusetts-based research group that examines the impact of federal budget policies and has been outspoken against the Iraq war, said the number of high school graduates among new recruits fell from 83.5 percent in 2005 to 70.7 percent last year.

"The trend is clear," said Anita Dancs, the project's research director, who based the report on Defense Department data released via the Freedom of Information Act. "They're missing their benchmarks, and I think it's strongly linked to the impact [of] the Iraq war."

The study also found that the number of "high quality" recruits — those with both a high school diploma and a score in the upper half on the military's qualification test — has dropped more than 15 percent from 2004 to 2007. After linking the recruiting data to Zip codes and median incomes, it found that low- and middle-income families are supplying far more Army recruits than families with incomes greater than $60,000 a year.

"Once again, we're staring at the painful story of young people with fewer options bearing the greatest burden," said Greg Speeter, the project's executive director.

The Army previously acknowledged that it has not met the 90 percent mark since 2004, and yesterday officials at U.S. Army Recruiting Command disputed the group's numbers but not the trend. They said that 79.1 percent of its active-duty recruits in 2007 had a high school diploma, down from 87 percent in 2005.

"It's really an indication of the difficult recruiting environment we're in, both with the impact of the ongoing wars, an economy competing for high school graduates, and a decline in the percentage of students who graduate from high school," said Douglas Smith, a spokesman for the recruiting command. "But we're not putting anyone in the Army that we don't feel is qualified to serve as a soldier."
Uh huh. Right. Who are you going to believe — me or your lyin' eyes reading these stats? Assuming the Army's numbers are true (and I trust them more because they have direct access to the data), we've got a problem. A drop from 87 percent having H.S. diplomas to 79 percent in just 2 years is a bad thing. Especially when coupled with millions and millions of dollars in recruiting incentives. This means that not only have we had to pay a lot more money to bring the next recruit in the door, but we've lowered standards too. This is not how the all-volunteer force was designed to work. It represents yet another indicator that the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are breaking the AVF.


0 Trackbacks / 33 Comments

Tuesday, January 22, 2008

Armor vs. Weapon

In the ancient battle of armor versus weapon, the weapon has generally prevailed. This is true whether we're talking about metal shields carried by foot soldiers, defeated by properly forged swords; or high-tech composite armor used on tanks, and defeated by explosively formed projectives and shaped charges. Today, the New York Times reports on the defeat of the armor on one of the military's newest combat vehicles — the Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicle ("MRAP"). It's a story that Iraq and Afghanistan veterans have heard too many times:
ARAB JABOUR, Iraq — From the blast and the high, thin plume of white smoke above the tree line, it looked and sounded like any other attack. The bare details were, sadly, routine enough: a gunner was killed and three crew members were wounded Saturday when their vehicle rolled over a homemade bomb buried beneath a road southeast of Baghdad.

Yet, it was anything but routine. Over a crackling field radio came reports of injuries and then, sometime later, official confirmation of the first fatality inflicted by a roadside bomb on an MRAP, the new Mine-Resistant Ambush-Protected armored vehicle that the American military is counting on to reduce casualties from roadside bombs in Iraq.

The military has been careful to point out that the new vehicle is not impervious to attack, and that a sufficiently powerful bomb can destroy any vehicle. Still, a forensic team was flown in immediately to inspect the charred wreckage, from which wires and tangled metal protruded, to determine whether the bombing had revealed a design flaw.

“It’s a great vehicle, but there is no perfect vehicle,” said Lt. Col. Kenneth Adgie, commander of the battalion that lost the soldier.

* * *
Captain Newman said that his battalions had been using the new vehicles for about two months, and that this was the first time one had been hit with a bomb.

“Unfortunately we knew our time would probably come,” he said. “It was just a very, very big amount of explosives. You can break anything with a big enough hammer.”

That sentiment was echoed by other soldiers in the area.

Before this, lots of soldiers thought the MRAP was indestructible, but nothing is indestructible,” Specialist Matthew Gregg, 24, an MRAP gunner, said after driving past the wreckage. “To drive past it three or four times now, it reminds you that everything is unpredictable out here.” [emphasis added]
Spec. Gregg is right — nothing is indestructible. The MRAP is a very good combat vehicle though, and it's a damn shame we took so long to procure it and send it to Iraq. Our peacetime defense budget is more than the rest of the world combined — not counting the supplementals for Iraq and Afghanistan. We purchase this enormous defense bureaucracy with a standing military so that we'll be ready for the next war before a shot is fired; not so that we'll have to learn painful lessons by losing the first several campaigns in order to come back from behind and win. That's the theory behind the Combat Training Centers; that's the theory behind defense procurement and testing these days. We got caught with our pants down in Iraq, sending our sons and daughters into harm's way with canvas and aluminum-sided vehicles. It's taken us far too long to catch up.

However, there's a broader story here — the ancient struggle between armor and weapon. This story makes clear just how hard it has been to defeat the threat posed by IEDs (the weapon), and to defeat that threat with armor. As Rick Atkinson's series for the Washington Post made clear, you've got to work "left of boom" in time to prevail — you've got to focus on the financiers, bombmakers and networks that operate before the IED ever goes into the ground. If you wait until the moment in time when the IED goes in, that's too late. Jamming, detection and clearance are important, but they aren't enough to defeat the threat. And eventually, no matter what protections we put into the field, the enemy will innovate a way to defeat that armor. I'm grateful we now have MRAPs in Iraq in large numbers. But we've got to work smarter next time.

Update I: My friend and colleague Noah Shachtman is all over this story at Wired's DANGER ROOM site. The money grafs:
. . .The American armed forces have been increasingly turning to these Mine Resistant, Ambush Protected MRAP vehicles, to keep themselves from getting killed by roadside bombs.  Last spring, Defense Secretary Robert Gates called the MRAPs the Defense Department's "highest priority. In Iraq, soldier after soldier told me stories about how the vehicles had saved their lives.

But the vehicles were never going to be a perfect defense, as we've said over and over and over and over again here.  There is no perfect defense — even with the MRAP's bomb-deflecting hull and explosive-resistant construction.  In fact, several MRAPs have been totaled before — it's just that troops walked away from the blasts.

In certain circles, this attack may be used as fodder to get the armed forces to tone down its massive MRAP orders. But the issue, it seems to me, is whether the vehicles are actually maneuverable enough for Iraq — not whether or not they're impervious.

That said, even in this big attack, the MRAP seems to have held up fairly well.

0 Trackbacks / 35 Comments

Monday, January 21, 2008

"Unity is how we shall overcome"

Brothers and sisters, we cannot walk alone.

In the struggle for peace and justice, we cannot walk alone.

In the struggle for opportunity and equality, we cannot walk alone

In the struggle to heal this nation and repair this world, we cannot walk alone.

So I ask you to walk with me, and march with me, and join your voice with mine, and together we will sing the song that tears down the walls that divide us, and lift up an America that is truly indivisible, with liberty, and justice, for all. May God bless the memory of the great pastor of this church, and may God bless the United States of America.
Amen.

0 Trackbacks / 24 Comments
"Here no man prefers another because of his faith or despises him because of his color. . . "

On this hallowed day, we celebrate the legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King. Few Americans have understood and articulated American dream better than Dr. King. He was a Southern preacher who grew up in an American home, but his words and deeds captured the dreams of Americans from all different walks of life -- immigrant and native; Jew and Gentile; African-American, Latino, Asian and white; Republican and Democrat. His words resonate today like the words of few others.

One man who understood that message was Lt. (Rabbi) Roland B. Gittelsohn -- the first Jewish chaplain in the history of the U.S. Marine Corps. His stirring eulogy for the dead of the 5th Marine Division at Iwo Jima captures the essence of the American dream too -- and does so in a way which is particularly relevant today, at a time when this nation is at war once again. Here is an excerpt from Rabbi Gittlesohn's moving sermon:
This is the grimmest, and surely the holiest, task we have faced since D-day. Here before us lie the bodies of comrades and friends. Men who until yesterday or last week laughed with us, joked with us, trained with us. Men who were on the same ships with us, and went over the side with us as we prepared to hit the beaches of this island. Men who fought with us and feared with us. Somewhere in this plot of ground there may lie the man who could have discovered the cure for cancer. Under one of these Christian crosses, or beneath a Jewish Star of David, there may rest now a man who was destined to be a great prophet to find the way, perhaps, for all to live in plenty, with poverty and hardship for none. Now they lie silently in this sacred soil, and we gather to consecrate this earth to their, memory.

It is not easy to do so. Some of us have buried our closest friends here. We saw these men killed before our very eyes. Any one of us might have died in their places; Indeed, some of us are alive and breathing at this very moment only because the men who lie here beneath us had the courage and the strength to give their lives, for ours. To speak in memory of such men as these is not easy. Of them too it can be said with utter truth: The world will little note nor long remember what we say here. It can never forget what they did here.

No, our power of speech can add nothing more to what these men and the other dead of our Division have already done. All that we can even hope to do is follow their example. To show the same selfless courage in peace that they did in war. To swear that by the grace of God and the stubborn strength and power of human will, their sons and ours shall never suffer these pains again. These men have done their job well. They have paid the ghastly price for freedom. If that freedom be once again lost, as it was after the last war, the unforgivable blame will be ours, not theirs. So it is we the living who are to be dedicated and consecrated.

We dedicate ourselves, first, to live together in peace the way we fought and are buried in this war. Here lie men who loved America because their ancestors generations ago helped in her founding, and other men who loved her with equal passion because they themselves or their own fathers escaped from oppression to her blessed shores.

Here lie officers and men, Negroes and whites, rich and poor together. Here no man prefers another because of his faith or despises him because of his color. Here there are no quotas of how many men from each group are admitted or allowed. Among these men there is no discrimination, no prejudices, no hatred. Theirs is the highest and purest Democracy.

Any man among us the living who fails to understand that will thereby betray those who lie here dead. Whoever of us lifts his hand in hate against a brother, or thinks himself superior to those who happen to be in the minority, makes of this ceremony and of the bloody sacrifice it commemorates an empty, hollow mockery.

To this, then, as our solemn, sacred duty, do we the living now dedicate ourselves: to the right of Protestants, Catholics, and Jews, of white men and Negroes alike, to enjoy the Democracy for which all of them here have paid the price.
Semper Fi.

0 Trackbacks / 7 Comments

Sunday, January 20, 2008

One veteran's story

In this Sunday's New York Times, Deborah Sontag pens the second installment in the Times' series about Iraq and Afghanistan vets who have committed (or been accused of) committing murder. Although I still don't like the packaging of the story (like the graphic icon of a soldier's silhouette with a cracked helmet), I do think this story is a much finer piece of journalism than the article which ran in last Sunday's paper.

This time around, Ms. Sontag focuses like a laser on the facts of a specific case. This is journalism at its most powerful -- telling a story in vivid, powerful terms; letting the reader reach his/her own conclusions. Here's how the article opens, including the all-important "nut graf" --
TOOELE, Utah — Not long after Lance Cpl. Walter Rollo Smith returned from Iraq, the Marines dispatched him to Quantico, Va., for a marksmanship instructor course.

Mr. Smith, then a 21-year-old Marine Corps reservist from Utah, had been shaken to the core by the intensity of his experience during the invasion of Iraq. Once a squeaky-clean Mormon boy who aspired to serve a mission abroad, he had come home a smoker and drinker, unsure if he believed in God.

In Quantico, he reported to the firing range with a friend from Fox Company, the combined Salt Lake City-Las Vegas battalion nicknamed the Saints and Sinners. Raising his rifle, he stared through the scope and started shaking. What he saw were not the inanimate targets before him but vivid, hallucinatory images of Iraq: “the cars coming at us, the chaos, the dust, the women and children, the bodies we left behind,” he said.

Each time he squeezed the trigger, Mr. Smith cried, harder and harder until he was, in his own words, “bawling on the rifle range, which marines just do not do.” Mortified, he allowed himself to be pulled away. And not long afterward, the Marines began processing his medical discharge for post-traumatic stress disorder, severing his link to the Reserve unit that anchored him and sending him off to seek help from veterans hospitals.

The incident on the firing range was the first “red flag,” as the prosecutor in Tooele County, Utah, termed it, that Mr. Smith sent up as he gradually disintegrated psychologically. At his lowest point, in March 2006, he killed Nicole Marie Speirs, the 22-year-old mother of his twin children, drowning her in a bathtub without any evident provocation or reason.

“There was no intent,” said Gary K. Searle, the deputy Tooele County attorney. “It was almost like things kept ratcheting up, without any real intervention that I can see, until one day he snapped.”

Clearly, Mr. Smith’s descent into homicidal, and suicidal, behavior is not representative of returning veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder. But among the homicide cases involving recent war veterans examined by The New York Times, Mr. Smith’s stands out because his identity as a psychologically injured veteran shaped the way that his crime was perceived locally and handled by local authorities. [emphasis added]
I agree -- and think that's the right tone for an article on this subject. As I wrote a week ago, combat sears the mind and body in ways we can only begin to understand. It affects everyone differently, and it's very difficult to reach general conclusions on the basis of anecdotal data. But, there are powerful stories here that need to be told, because there are real American men and women struggling with these demons after serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. They deserve to have their stories told honestly by the press, and they deserve our attention and compassion.

There are many tragedies in this story. LCPL Smith committed a crime with real victims; Ms. Speirs' family will never be the same, and never be made whole, even if his combat stress eventually abates. The prosecutor clearly struggled to find a just approach here, and I commend him for his judicious action. The Marine Corps appears to have let down one of its own, although there are many facts not in the story which may bear on that. This is an important story. Thankfully, it's not a common one. But I think we can learn something from these most serious of cases, and hopefully develop systems and approaches to avoid this outcome for other veterans.

This is journalism the way it should be. Gather the facts and tell a compelling story. Don't overgeneralize or overreach with the writing; don't write with an agenda. Let the facts speak for themselves.

Related Posts (on one page):

  1. One veteran's story
  2. NYT misfires on veterans story

0 Trackbacks / 10 Comments